The Servant of the People

This may be my most politically incorrect article. Well, to hell with it, for what is ‘politically correct’ but a politically correct way to address a hypocrite.

What is the need for a State of any kind? Usually, this is the first thing which is taught to any freshman civil servant. While the more evolved explanations are quite abstruse, and, in my humble opinion, pretentious, the basic explanations point to just one reason – to create a source of legitimate force to right the wrongs.

Righting the wrongs itself is a tricky topic, unless we are clear on what constitutes right or wrong. In my view – wrong is the absence of justice. What is justice? In the most simplistic way, justice can be framed in three paradigms – one, where everyone has in proportion to one’s ability / might; two – where everyone has equal, and three – where everyone has in proportion to one’s need. All three systems have a logical self-containment, and a good set of moral arguments to bolster them. In fact, all three are actually practiced, if imperfectly, in various social institutions of the modern society – the first in most free economy markets, the second, in most modern welfare states, and the third, in most modern families. The first system is highly sustainable in itself – the strong will continue to corner most of the resources, and the weaker shall keep perishing. It has been described as the system of ‘matsya nyaya’ (literally – fish justice – the big fish shall eat the small). Needless to say, it is an inherently violent system. However, the other two paradigms of justice are against natural order of things – the stronger persons under the matsya nyay paradigm shall end up losing, and weaker end up gaining, and hence, there shall always be a tendency of the relative losers under the system to fight and take away what was ‘naturally’ theirs to begin with. Thus, there is the need for the presence of some deterrent force which may prevent the strong from preying on the weak, on the threat of violence. To make the plot more interesting, we add to this the human touch. While the small fish of the sea may be easy prey for the bigger ones, weaker humans often have a tendency to unite and resist the depredations of the stronger. Such resistance is often bloody and violent.

As it may be seen, both the enforcement of matsya nyaya and the conduction of the more ‘evolved’ systems of justice require the use of violent force. One thing about violence, when it is used, is that it is materially destructive. It may throw up a victor, and a vanquished; but both end up losing something – and the losses may spread to persons who are not even party to the violence. So, while the threat of violence was necessary to sustain the society, the act of violence itself was destructive. It is a classic conundrum, very aptly described by the great poet Ramdhaari Singh‘Dinkar’ in his poem, ‘Shakti aur Kshama’ (Power and Mercy)

सहनशीलता, क्षमा, दया को

तभी पूजता जग है

बल का दर्प चमकता उसके

पीछे जब जगमग है।

 – the crux of which is – in order for one’s abjuration of violence to be seen as sincere, the threat of violence must be very real and credible. Thus, there was a growing realization of the need for a repository of violent might so strong that its threat of violence would be universally credible – and hence, universally obeyed. This was the bloody origin of the ‘State’ – an institution into which we, as a society, vested our right to indulge in violence on our behalf, as we ourselves, as individuals or as small groups, abstained from it. It may be seen that states are the legitimate repositories of coercive power – not only against their subjects, but even against their external counterparts. In both these arenas – internal and external, the actual use of violence is gradually declining – internally by the reliance on the penal laws, and externally by the doctrines of mutually assured destruction – thus, the credible threat of violence is making the world go round.

Over the time being, the system of deciding that who shall man the apparatus of the state changed. Initially, in the days of monarchy, the offsprings of the incumbents were expected to man the apparatus after them. Gradually, some form of representativeness was involved, and thus, in today’s world, most of the advanced civilizations have some or the other form of democracy – where all the key posts of the State are manned by representatives of the people. Almost all the persons in the employment of the state are now deemed to be ‘public servants’. This whole piece deals with what, in my opinion, was that supposed to mean, and what it has been wrongly construed as by the majority of persons – mostly lay persons, but also some of the intelligentsia with vested interests.

There was recently (around a year back) a ‘debate’ in the pulp media about redesignating the important offices of the State in a more deprecating style – for example, making the Prime Minster into the ‘Prime Servant’, the Chief Minister into the ‘Chief Servant’, and a host of analogous inanities. The logic given was that the holders of these offices were ‘public servants’, and hence they should wear their ‘servitude’ on their name plates! There is the increasing use of calling the State revenues “tax payers’ money” – although, by that analogy, the restaurant revenues should be called “diners’ money” and the movie hall earnings, “patrons’ money”. The idea is to run down everything connected with the state - and the idea met with quite a strong approval – from people who felt that their public servants were getting too masterly in their relationship with the public, and that there was a strong need to cut them to their size. Is the public opinion right in this case? My own vested interest as a civil servant aside, I feel this idea stems from the fact that most of the public as well as public servants have forgotten the dichotomy between the public offices of the state, and the holders of those offices.

To explain the above mentioned idea, we shall expand upon anther question posed in public debate around the same time – is the Parliament above the ‘people’, or below them? We can expand upon this question and make it into a wider one – Is the State above the people, or below it? While it may sound like a value based argument, in which you can take either side depending on your orientation, in reality, there is only one logical answer, which rests on the fundamental function of the State. In today’s world, the State is expected to do much – including things like feeding supplementary food to malnourished babies, to operate Railways and Airlines, to manufacture bottled water and what not. However, deep down, the raison d'etre of the state remains the same – to be the monopolist in the exercise of legitimate violence, in order to make the existence of the modern society possible. All the other functions of the welfare state, or the nanny state, may be equally important to you, according to your location in the political spectrum from left to the right. However, this fundamental function of the state is not dependent on the ideology – it is an absolute fact. Seen in this light, there can remain no question about whether the State is above the people or below. For if the State is not above the people, there is no reason for the existence of the State. Multinational NGOs can do well to ‘serve with a smile’ and bring us all the welfare we need. However, the big arbiter, who is supposed to keep the people away from an internecine war, must, by the very reason behind its existence, stay well and truly above the citizenry.

What then about the democracy, and what then about the public servants? Therein lies the dichotomy which has been ignored for long – the dichotomy between the office and the holder of the office. The person holding the office of the Prime Minster is a public servant, but the PMO is not subservient to the people of India. All the IAS officers in the country are public servants – however, the Collectors and District Magistrates are not subservient to the people of their Districts. The idea of being subservient here means ‘taking orders from’. The procedure about who takes orders from whom is laid out clearly in the Constitution, the Rules of Business and similar enactments. This dichotomy is still clearly evident in the Courthouses of the country. The seat of the presiding officer is usually a few feet above the ground, where the parties and their counsel stand. It signifies the majesty and the supremacy of the Court over those who have assembled before it to resolve their disputes. It is made clear that it is the Court which is above the public, and not the presiding officer. Rules against contempt of Courts are made simply to reinforce that absolute authority. According to the rules, even the presiding officer may, by a behavior unbecoming of the office, commit contempt of his own court! Unfortunately, in India, contempt of Courts is the only offence in which an assault against the state is viewed more seriously than an assault against any lay person of the public. Most developed nations have laws to prevent assault against their law enforcement officials. ‘Cop-killing’ is an offence which is deemed much graver than simple murder in the United States, as it is acknowledged that the assault on the law enforcement machinery of the State is more dangerous than the assault on any private person.

Much of what is wrong with the country today can be ascribed to the waning power of the State. The State had but two basic duties – to the common people – it promised basic safety of life and limb, and to the economy, it promised the enforcement of contracts. In both these areas, the sword arm of the state has been weakened to the extent of ineffectiveness. For reasons described in the later paragraphs, the deterrent power of the police has been steadily eroded, and hence, the preventive aspect of crime control is compromised. Even in the punitive aspect, the investigation is often steered by back seat drivers, and, in case of rural crime, it has to content with various caste and identity groups, which shall stop at nothing to ensure that guilty of their ilk shall never be found out. This pressure politics may often take the shape of faux Gandhian ‘protests’ – alleging that the police is picking out on particular castes – which, in a way is unavoidable, since most rural crimes have a caste angle to them. In any case, any exercise of the state might in the performance of state duties is painted as a ‘people versus state’ conflict in the popular discourse. Similarly, in the case of contract enforcement – the ultimate sanction that any court can provide against a defaulter is the recovery of the judgement dues as ‘arrears of land revenues’. Now, the exaction of land revenues was a serious business some 60 years back. A lot many of the movements during our freedom struggle were sparked off by it – the Bardoli Satyagrah for instance. Even the blockbuster Oscar nominee ‘Lagaan’ had the Hindi word for this tax as its title. In those days, for not paying up the arrears of land revenue, one’s properties could be attached and sold off in the market, and one could end up locked up in the revenue lock up at the Tehsil, till the dues were paid up. Hence, when a court ordered the dues to be collected as ‘arrears of land revenue’ – it used to mean serious business, and hence, the money would usually be paid up by the defaulter before it came to this serious step. However, these days, the collection of land revenue dues has become a very placid affair. The Collection Amin goes to the person’s house, knocks on the door and begs for the dues to be paid. If the defaulter’s heart melts, he may pay out a part of the dues. Else it shall be collected the other day. The only weapons left to the collection authorities are ‘naming and shaming’ of the defaulters on the Tehsil notice Board, and denial of their Arms License clearances! (It is a big deal in Uttar Pradesh.) No doubt more and more people commit all sorts of crimes and defaults – they are beginning to understand they can get away with it.

The most important cause of this this development is that the whole sword arm of the state has gone weak, due to a multiplicity of reasons. Since the ‘engagement’ with the ‘public’ by this arm is mostly in an adversarial situation, the arm gets mostly bad press. However, the situation has worsened in the decade gone by. Now, the press actually tries to have its cake and eat it too. Both sides of the argument are being taken equally well, without any sense of contradiction or cognitive dissonance. In case of the August-September riots in Muzaffarnagar, a lot of criticism was heaped on the administration for not taking ‘hard steps’ to stop the rioters. Hardly a week after these riots, when instigators tried to do a Mahapanchayat in Meerut, the administration clamped down on the riot instigators. Those aggrieved by the crackdown resorted to pelting of stones on the policemen. The police responded with a few aerial rounds of fire (not allowed by manual, manual insists on firing for effect), and some weapons were trained on the rioters. The press showed this as “Bullets vs. Stones – is this just?”. It was as if they expected a duel, instead of riot control! However, the thing which is most influential in weakening the hands of the field staff in law and order situations is the adverse scrutiny by the judiciary and judicial bodies. Increasingly any use of force is being deemed excess; any loss of life on the sides of the troublemaker is deemed an aggression on human rights. Unsubstantiated media reports are being taken as basis for suo moto cognizance of cases. The judicial machinery, even at lower levels, is exercising its prerogative under CrPC to register cases of murder against the District Officials, when the police reject such motivated FIRs. While it is true that few of these cases do result in any conviction, but then, it is hardly the culmination in conviction that an official has to worry about. The slow movement of cases in the judiciary, with one carrying the tag of a ‘murder accused’ is punishment enough for a crime which has not been committed. These trials may go on for decades together, and the newer personnel are noticing how their seniors who took the call to use force have fared. After all, the bargain is quite clear – get transferred / suspended for inaction, versus get implicated for murder by taking action. The choice is not so difficult to make. To reverse this, the attitude must change, on the part of the judicial bodies. When a Court decides to register a case of murder on the law and order machinery, it must ensure that indisputable evidence has been brought on the record by the complainant. It is not a case of Judiciary versus the Executive, but of State versus anarchy. After all, the prerogatives and writs of the Judiciary run through the arms of the executive only.

Another reason why such tendencies are on a rise is because the state is deemed to be unresponsive to genuine grievances addressed peacefully. This has a certain degree of truth. There are certain constraints, budgetary and human, which prevent the state machinery from delivering to full satisfaction. Hence, peaceful submissions may not be getting full response. Hence, people resort to marches, rallies, stone pelting and other sorts of disorders to grab the attention of the State. However, even this mode of grievance redressal is not good. It is true that disorder has been successful in attracting the attention of the State to the problems, but the growing reluctance to quell these disturbance by the ‘stick’ has been leading to a disproportionate amount of ‘carrot’ being diverted to those creating disturbance. This leads to even greater deprivations to all others. Now the others are in even more dire straits, and they have an example of the successful wresting of state favours by disorder. Thus, it only foments more disturbances, and treating even the ‘just cause’ disturbances with kid glove is wrong.

One big effect, and also a cause in itself, of rise of law and order disturbance is the rise of intracity ‘warlords’. Basically starting as small time leaders of political / criminal world, they have occupied the ‘muscle power vacuum’ left by the State. When rioters ran amok all across India during the riots related to some statement by a fringe Godman in Punjab, the administrative machinery chose to play safe, for all the reasons given above. It was a call given by a 'great political leader', to ‘teach the rioters a lesson’ in a way that is the trademark of his 'great party' that brought the disturbance to a halt the next day in the city of Mumbai! This sort of awe should be commanded by the State, not by political leaders indulging in muscle power based politics. When power has been ceded to these people, invariably it would lead to situations which would be deemed as law and order violations by the State, but for these people, it is simply business as usual. Ironically, these leaders are often more efficient in quelling riots, since they are not as amenable to Human Rights inquiry, as the state is!

One side effect of the democratic politics of the country is that the political leadership of the nation is directly responsible to the people. That is a very good thing, as it makes the top echelons of the government sensitive to the issues of the lowest stratas of the society. However, here also, there is an increased sense of confusion between the office and the public servant occupying it. There is a perverse pressure to appear sensitive, at the cost of being professional. In every scene of crime or calamity, the thing which seen is the rank of highest official who has ‘visited’ the place. Even the media dedicates disproportionate attention on who visited / did not visit the site of crime / calamity. One thing needs to be borne in mind – the officials – either elected or appointed, are no deities, whose mere appearance on the site will lead to dispensation of some boons or the righting of all the wrongs. The laws of the nation have defined roles for everyone – the crime scene is to be investigated by a Sub Inspector of Police – and the higher echelons are there is simply see that he does that in the right spirit and manner. The appearance of the Superintendent, the Collector, the Commissioner or the Minister himself does not speed up the investigation – on the contrary, it impedes it, as the local police get busy in arranging for the high profile visits. Moreover, these high profile visits to site have two distinct perverse effects. Firstly, all the victims of similar crimes expect that the same courtesy be extended to them as were extended to the Joneses next door – and there aren’t enough man-hours in the top echelons of the government to satisfy that want – even if the people at the top left all their other jobs and worked 24 hours a day, doing just site visits. Hence, it would lead to resentment. Secondly, and more importantly, once the public starts to parley with the Collectors and Commissioners ‘on equal terms’, they start to equate themselves to them in a hierarchical sense. They actually start treating the professional subordinates of those officials with contempt – what is the status of a lowly SI, when one has spoken with the DIG of police himself! My call against ‘treating of public as equals with higher official’ may sound quite offensive to a majority of the readers, but the truth is that I write this in the context of rural northern India, which is deeply hierarchical – and the subordinate of any peer is treated as subordinate, and any subordinate is treated with disdain – it is seen in the way the servant boy at the tea shop is treated by them. While our sentiments may get hurt by the deeply feudal tenor of the article – it must always be borne in mind that we are referring to a society where genuine rape cases are being swept under the carpet in the name of ‘panchayati samjhauta’ (informal village agreements), while the new draconian women laws are being used to fix opponents in the Panchayati elections! It is a society with 16^th century sensibilities, but exposed to modern technology, modern political awareness and modern laws – a very dangerous cocktail.

In the end, it boils down to a simple question. If every action of the State is seen as a state versus people clash, then for whom is the State working? The trouble is, the beneficiaries of state actions tend to stay silent, rather than speak out. There is no rigid class of the beneficiaries of state action – everyone gets some benefit from it. In the billions that live here, even if one looks out for the interest of millions, there will always be thousands whose vested interest will be under threat. By choosing to highlight merely these conflicts, the media has always made its anti-establishment credentials clear. What is lamentable is the silence of those whose interests were being defended by any particular action on any particular day. Perhaps they assume it is their right to get the said services, and they would not be wrong. However, in the end, it is a democracy, and the organs of the state must be nurtured by the masses. For already, the people are beginning to realize the ineffectiveness of the threat promised by our penal laws, and have started taking recourse to primitive violence to right their wrongs– just the way it was in the days before the rise of States – for the human need for justice does not wait for ineffective mechanisms to rejuvenate. Now is not the time to emasculate the State further, but to empower it to tackle this descent into anarchy, and to reverse it. For a ‘servant’, the nation does not need a fawning butler, but a strong charioteer. 

The Bloodless Revolution

[THE VIEWS EXPRESSED HERE-IN ARE STRICTLY PERSONAL, AND DO NOT REFLECT THE VIEW OF ANY OFFICIAL ORGANIZATION.]

Having been born in the wrong sex, I shall never know what it feels like to birth a baby. However, I should guess that taking part in the management of a General Election in India might come very close. I must clarify at the beginning itself that I was not the part of the core machinery that actually conducted the elections. I like to think of myself, in the Game of Thrones analogy, as the High Lord of Bells and Whistles. I shall dwell more on that later. However, I was privileged enough to be in close contact with the core team, and thus I can substantiate my statements with some level of authority. So, first of all, let me substantiate the child birth analogy.  There is the long period of considering and planning, and the contemplation of the sheer inevitability of it all. Then things start to gain momentum, as more and more of one’s time is diverted from the ‘regular’ things that one is supposed to do, towards the Election efforts. Soon the ‘appearance’ starts changing – the Revenue Administration Officials shed their ‘peacetime’ designations and don the election related designations – the Collector & District Magistrate becomes the ‘District Election Officer’ in most of his/her correspondences and addresses. Then one find day, it is ‘announced’ to the world at large, though they may have already known it, for some time! The last month and a half are especially torturous – days and nights merge into one for the personnel involved – tempers become short, patience runs thin, and in the end, most of us do not care what the result is – we just want it to be over. Finally, on the poll day, the most painful of all, the process finally culminates, and the team falls back, exhausted, but satisified with what has been achieved. My profession also does not allow me to watch seaborne attacks of the type that felled Pearl Harbour - but watching the polling parties form, train, load, depart, perform and return to the base came quite close.

How did the simple process which, in its most basic form, should be as simple as a show of hands, become so similar to a war level mobilization. Is everything being done right? Or do we need to make some fundamental changes in the way we do these things. That is what is going to be delved into in the rest of this article.

The Tail of the Dove

Suppose you are on a long distance journey on a train, and you have a confirmed berth, which you have paid for, and are justifiably relaxing on. At a wayside station, a commuter gets in – this is a common scene on various routes passing through the Hindi Heartland. He requests you to kindly make room for him to sit, as he is going to the next station, some half an hour ahead. Some may be annoyed, but most of us, being groomed in the Indian ways, would let him have his seating space. After all, it is just for the next half an hour. The guy may actually provide an interesting experience. Let us tweak the scenario a little bit. What if the commuter then demands that you feed him out of your victuals, and let him have your blanket and sheets, and that he intends to ride out for some 5-6 hours, and not the half an hour he had promised.  What if as soon as the commuter alights, another commuter comes in, with the same ingratiating smile, and the same promises as before. What if your whole journey becomes a long party, where you keep hosting these commuters, at short intervals.  Further, what if your whole family of three was having to make do with a single berth that you had got confirmed with difficulty, and hosting the commuter was actually making you and your family very uncomfortable. Finally, what if the commuter has asked for your berth not on the basis of a request, but on authority, and you have to accommodate him, kicking your kids to the compartment floor in order to make way.

Elections, in most places, are part time events, organized and run by the lower level administration, with only the basic framework being designed by the National or State Election Bodies. Our own laws were framed with something similar in mind. Elections were the first area in which the now much abused concept of ‘dovetailing’ was used – using the resources of the local machinery for the various functions of the election – as creating a separate infrastructure for holding election woud have been very cost inefficient. However, with the passing of time, given the peculiar situation in which an average Indian voter resides, the process of holding elections has come way past being a part time affair. In fact, the core process of election – taking nomination, preparation of the ballot paper and the voting machines, the setting up of booths, the dispatch and reception of the polling parties, the actual conduct of the polling, and the counting – the backbone on which the elections are held, are actually taking less than half of the human effort that goes into conduct of elections these days. With the renewed emphasis on the deepening of democracy, the electoral registration process has evolved from being the ‘counter in the office’ enterprise to a full scale outreach program, that may well run for more than 5-6 months in a year. For this exercise, various government and quasi government employees are drafted as Booth Level Officers (BLO) – one of most thankless jobs ever designed. For the whole duration the electoral registration is open, this guy must work part-time in the evenings, beyond his day job, and on the weekends, making visits to the locality to get the potential electors to get enrolled. Potential electors who are finicky – who might not be able or willing to produce all the documents needed for their registration, but still who would not desist from questioning the integrity and affiliations of the BLO when any senior officer comes visiting. These BLOs have to work for almost all Sundays over this 5-6 months period, for a princely sum of Rs.5000 as ‘honorarium’ – because it is technically an ‘honorary volunteer’ service that they are rendering. Similarly, the whole of the Revenue department machinery has to work on the back end of this system, without even the pacifier of an honorarium. As the election approaches nearer, the basic work of the Revenue administration is displaced by Election work. The grievance redressal fora close first, the courts next. The monitoring of the government Departments goes out of the window, as the Departments themselves are converted into one or the other charges related to Election. The PDS system gives up all work to arrange the fuelling of Election Vehicles, the Education Department becomes the Booth and Polling Personnel Department, with the SSA and RMSA functionaries manning civil engineering projects to rectify the schools upto the EC standards! Some of the Block Resource Persons (teachers who are supposed to be master in their subjects and are appointed to teach the government teachers to close any gaps in the teachers’ knowledge base) actually complained that since their joining, they have actually worked more hours on election duty than the hours they have put in their core job! Given the fact that the Election Commission plans to get more proactive in the coming times, may be it is the time to consider a dedicated workforce for Election work, on which the non-core work, such as enrolment, and motivation and facilitation, can be given off. There are a number of adequately qualified persons who would be willing to take this job for the sum on the offer, and their services can be at reviewed on the basis of the fidelity of the electoral roll under his command. This, of course, would require an amendment in the statutes. However, if more involvement is the need of the hour, then these steps definitely need to be taken, for the dovetailing can be done only as long as the tail does not get larger than the dove itself!

The great Bull Whip & the Cat-o-nine-tails

Election is perhaps the only time, other than a national emergency, when, in effect, the administrative machinery of the State takes up a unitary form instead of a Federated one. All the DEOs, and the staff under them, get deputed to the Election Commission, who control them through the office of the Chief Electoral Officer of the state concerned. Everyday, mails rain down from Delhi to the State Capitals, from where they are rained down to the DEOs, and from there to the various Officers incharge of the subjects. The Commission, it appears, is a rather shuffling commander for such a multitier army. First of all, there is no management by setting of objectives. The top decides both the objectives and the methodology by which it shall be achieved. To make it more interesting, it can change either at the drop of a hat. Students of supply chain management shall recall The Bullwhip effect. How asymmetry of information sharing along a multitiered supply chain can lead to huge fluctuations in stocks at every level. In case of bull whip effect, the entry point of the information is in the lower levels, with the upper tiers responding to it. In the case of electoral command chain, it is the lower tier responding to the changing command from the top – so the maximum fluctuation occurs at the more fragile end of the string. Plus, there are multiple ‘lower ends’ – each fluctuating at a different phase, depending on what it was doing at the time the latest information change came up. More than a whip, it resembles the legendary cat-o-nine tails! Corresponding to the ‘over stocks’ in the Bullwhip effect, we see a huge amount of effort and resources go waste, and corresponding to the out of stock situations, we see situations not covered by any arrangement, with the things moving on a wing and a prayer! Some of my senior colleagues have suggested that we should be prepared for such last minute changes and be agile enough, like the Armed Forces, who never question the command of the hierarchy. I beg to differ. While it is alright to be prepared and agile, we are not dealing with live, changing combat, but with a planned exercise; an inevitable, periodic exercise. While the foot soldiery is agile enough to change its steps according to the news beats, it is hard to make a non-suspicious paper trail in the reports! When everything would be audited in the course of 3-5 years, and all the contracts and orders made in compliance with the directives are studied, no one shall recall the sense of urgency under which those decisions were made. 

The Unending Event & The Model

As far as Event Management goes, there is perhaps no bigger event than an Indian General Election, with around 800 million eligible participants, out of which upwards of half a billion actually do take part.  However, this is one event with a difference. Normally event management is about paucity of time. Ask any event manager who is overseeing the preparations for a big event, and he would say that he would never have enough time for it. However, during the conduct of elections (and for a month of two prior to that), except for the core team, most of the others in the election work would rather find that the time has become stagnant! The reason for this is the oft lauded Model Code of Conduct (MCC), which is enforced across the areas in which the elections are supposed to be held, from the period of announcement of elections till the end of all election related activities. What exactly is this MCC? In its purest form, the MCC is a gentleman’s agreement between the various political parties and the EC – a list of ‘thou shall not’s of the parties and the candidates to follow during the period. How is the same enforced? Well, there is no legal way to enforce the MCC as such. The EC has not armed itself with any court powers, through which it can haul the violators for breach. It so happens that many of the items prohibited under the MCC are also offences under various Acts, such as the IPC, the Motor Vehicles Act, the Representation of Peoples Act. The MCC simply requires the District Administration to go for registration of cases against the violators.

While the MCC at its heart is a good deal, the idea of its selective enforcement at the time of Elections creates a problem for everyone. As one of my batchmates puts it – “While in peacetime, we speak of political interference in administrative matters, in the election time, via the MCC enforcement, we see administrative interference into political matters!” While the issue of voter bribery, intimidation of voters and the administrative machinery are important issues which need to be dealt with a firm hand, some issues like the ban on posters and hoardings, and the regulation of meetings are clearly not cost effective in terms of ‘clearing up the politics’. A lot of time and effort of the election team is wasted on the removal of these harmless election publicity work – which is ironical, considering that the Administration is then expected to step in the arena to plaster the city with its own set of posters, banners, and hold its own set of public meetings and rallies, under the SVEEP program, to create the ‘election buzz’ that one of its arms has been forced to kill! More troubling is the idea that most of these offences form a part of the MCC, which is enforced only during the election period – thus effectively implying and admitting that their prohibition cannot be enforced in non-election periods. What makes their enforcement possible during the election period?  Just one reason – that for the time the MCC is in effect, the whole administrative machinery is under deputation to the EC, and not to the elected government (which is populated by the very political players against whom the MCC is to be enforced), in the sense that transfers / postings and administrative action against them can be carried out only by the EC. Ordinarily, the political executive should concern itself with the framing of the policies, and the permanent executive with the implementation of those policies. However, in our country, this ideal is observed more in violation. However, since we do have a model that does works, why not extend it to the normal working days, where the transfers and administrative actions are taken on merit by a real statutory body, and not on the whims and fancies of the political executive. That would ensure that there need not be any ‘model code of conduct’ for elections, separate from the ‘real code of conduct’ for the normal life, and it would be much easier, for all persons involved, to both enforce and follow it. Right now, on the name of enforcement, officials are made to go overboard in actually hounding the political candidates, and to find out headline making recoveries of cash or booze, and to slap cases against the candidates, while under the full knowledge that once the MCC ends, all the criminal cases lodged would die a natural death in the absence of someone following them, and the ‘enforcers’ would be at the mercy of the ‘enforced upon’! No wonder that for many, the days spent chest puffing under the name of MCC do drag long. Hence, there is a need to imbibe the major part of the MCC in the daily political life to the country, and to cast off the dregs.

Observer Effect

Peter Drucker has said – what gets measured, gets managed. In the case of elections, however, there is a more apt adage – what gets over measured, gets micromanaged! No, this isn’t about the Commission’s Observers, who come to observe whether the election is being conducted the way it is supposed to be conducted. It is about the way incessant monitoring by the higher command ends up being an end in itself. In Physics, there is a phenomenon known as the Observer effect – how, at a quantum level,the act of measurement itself is powerful enough to alter the measured entityquite substantially. It is very much prevalent in the business of conducting elections. There is a report to be prepared for almost everything that is ever done in the course of election efforts – there are even reports about reports being sent – not kidding! If the sampling method of work-study is taken, a rough estimate would be that around 95% of the time at the District Headquarter Level and around 60-70% at the lower level is utilized solely for preparing a transferring up information in various tables, formats and media. That too under a scenario where the job required to be done changes within hours – in the morning you have a mail to do something ‘urgently’, and then, by the afternoon, a completely contradictory mail comes, prohibiting the same with vengeance. While in the core job, the reports are quite necessary and help the machinery keep time with the grand objective, in the non-core functions, some of the subjects of the reports border on absurd. In MCC related issues, there are reports about the amount of liquor seized daily, and of what type, and in what quantity. How is this relevant – how much whiskey was caught yesterday in some god forsaken part of the nation? Even more curious is expecting a report on this daily, rather than counting it as a one off phenomenon that it should be and is. Then there are reports about the implementation of the Voter Awareness (SVEEP) programs – hilarious. How many gender specific advertisements were inserted in local newspapers? How many people participated in your last rally? The trouble is, in some cases, doing the thing measured was easier than writing a report on them. And then there was the question of ‘periodical online feeding’ – it sounded and appeared like offering some tribute to some mythical demon for feeding. The problem is that in Election (as in almost all facets of schemes and projects being implemented by a large scale workforce, like the MNREGS), the central authorities have made MIS systems for their own convenience. Thus, sitting anywhere in the country, one can monitor the macro level progress of the works – how much premium Scotch whiskey was apprehended in the Haryana today, and how many south facing youth appealing posters were put up in Nagaland this week! These may be touted as models of e-governance, but they are as much e-governance as a palanquin borne by slave boys is an automobile. For an e-governance project to be feasible, it should have end to end connectivity, which needs money. None of the cutting edge level workers, who are seizing the booze, or are putting up those SVEEP hoardings, are given the equipment or training to post the details online. So most of these projects rely on scores of persons slaving away at the keyboard day and night, to maintain the fidelity of the online information. Often, there is a break in the information flow, when the person doing the work gets so busy doing the work to be sending the data for feeding. Then, in desperation, as the deadline for the day’s feeding approaches, someone among the minions realizes that no one is actually reading the data they are compiling, and even if somebody is reading it, it would not really make a difference if they think that 50 litre of booze was confiscated instead of 30. Then we arrive at the new adage – “Whatever gets measured, gets concocted.” The great wagon of election rolls on meanwhile, scarcely caring.

The Lord Giveth, and the Lord Taketh Away

The one thing about elections in India is that every time a new election is held, the Commission garners favourable reviews from the public at large. This rides on the phenomenon of a conscious effort on the part of the Commission to make a positive image of itself, harnessing the same infrastructure which the governments have used to build quite a negative image of themselves. However, like the governments or the courts, even the election authorities have not been able to resist the urge to let our ideals write checks our reality cannot cash. This indeed is a national malady - seeing ourselves, as a whole, to be much more prosperous than we really are. Having our ideals is a good thing, and striving to achieve them is noble. However, tying ourselves to them – or as Sir Humphrey Appleby said in ‘Yes Minister’ – nailing our pants to the mast, is never a good idea. It is these unfeasible ideas that make our officials, who are the cream of the intelligentsia of the nation, appear ridiculous in public by a media whose level of intelligence and understanding is much lower. Courts have been steadily expanding the definition of right to life – recently it expanded to include a half a million rupees a month therapy for the some rare genetic disease, on public funds! Governments have been legislating the same into justiciable rights, never mind the fact that the funds for the same have to be diverted from functions that were deemed very essential once. Similarly, the election authorities have enjoined upon the District Election officers the responsibility for providing all booths with ‘Basic Minimum Facilities’. While it is definitely a good thing to ask for, we must ask ourselves one simple question – where do these polling booths come from? The answer is simple. The ‘day job’ of these buildings is to function as schools; schools of the same area which the booths set up therein shall service to. The second question that then comes to our mind is this – do these booths, which work for one or two days in a year, need these ‘Basic Minimum Facilities’ more than the schools, which function 365x5-5 days (subtracting the days of polling for the various elections). This is a simple question, and has only one correct answer. You can have only as good or bad booths as you have schools. There must be some very deep unresolved issues if the schools are not having the facilities yet – sheer lack of budget, lack of requirement, or vandalism unfettered by a law enforcement arm which has had its teeth muzzled by the courts. Yet, countless reminders have come to all DEOs to ensure that their booths have these facilities, without any details about the paymaster who shall foot the bill. In fact there are multiple directives that require quite substantial expenditure on the part of the District Authorities – videography, webcasting, hosting of ‘celebrities’ for SVEEP, etc. Most of the demands from top conveniently forget to mention the budget. Bills for tentage, videography, vehicles used in the last election are still being cleared gradually, as the budget is received sporadically. The contractors are unwilling to take up election related work – they do so only to avoid the ‘displeasure’ of the District Administration – and only the persons on this side know how hollow that displeasure has become over the years. Some of the more well-read contractors have hauled Collectors / DEOs to Courts, and have got orders for stopping the salaries of the incumbents as long as their bills are not cleared! In fact PSUs like the BSNL have issued a strict letter to all their units to give any facility to the Election Machinery only after taking advance payment.  People speak about limiting the expenditure by the candidates to the election by allowing for public funding of elections. In reality, the state of public finances available for election is so poor that the candidates could very well fund the public expenditure on the election works after allocating their own budgetary requirements!  In obedience of the command of the authorities, the work was done – with no questions asked about the viability and longevity of the work done. How the bill was footed – ask no questions and hear no lies. On top of this, the authorities have the heart to ask the districts to prepare some ideal booths, that go beyond the minimum facilities, and make the voters feel like guests! As the High Lord of Bells and Whistles, this fell under my charge. So, here is how it happened. A few privately run schools ‘volunteered’ for the task. They ‘arranged’ for the red carpeting and the flowery decoration and the tentage. Their scouts ‘volunteered’ to stand in a guard of honour for the voters. The Commission got their day in the papers and news.

SVEEPing the Polls

As the High Lord of Bells and Whistles, I was heading the Systematic Voter Education and Electoral Participation, or, in short, SVEEP program. No, it was not designed to be a bells and whistles program.  As the full title suggests, it was an effort taken up by the Commission to raise the flagging voter participation after observing the voter turnout data in the elections held in the last decade. It is true that the greatest threat to a democracy does not come from an external usurper, but from the slow internal withering away due to mass apathy. Thus, it was clearly that the voter participation had to be increased somehow. What this ‘somehow’ was to be has been a contentious topic. As far as I can see from the data, the major abstainees from the electoral process are the urban voters, who, registered in one part of the country, move to some other part, for studies, for work, and similar pursuits. Our current electoral system ties down a person to a particular booth – if he is not there on the day of the polling, he is not allowed to vote, unless he is one of the few privileged ones to hold the postal ballot or proxy vote, and believe me, the price of that privilege is way too high. Then, there was definitely the issue of political disenchantment of the middle class, who started viewing politics as an area best left to the politicians. Voting day is a paid holiday, and it takes tremendous will power for the middle and upper class to spend it standing in a queue with 1000 of the sweating, underclass, in a ramshackle building, which has a hole in the broken pot for a toilet, and a hand pump nearby for drinking water, to exercise their franchise. So, there were three clear lines of action – 1. To start, at a fundamental level, to design a process of voting that uses the modern technology to free a large number of migrating urban voters from the confines of the booth, 2. To improve the infrastructure at the booths to the extent possible – as has been explained in the preceding sections, it is not very much possible to fundamentally transform the physical infrastructure of the booth, 3. To make the idea of voting ‘cool’. The Commission, however, took up only the last two routes, totally side stepping the first, and according to most of our judgements and surveys (yes, we did that too!), the most effective step. Was it really so difficult? This year 18 Crore were allotted to SVEEP – all for the programs under the third step – information, education and communication. On the similar scale, the election Commission of Gujarat had rolled out an onlinevoting system, spending Rs.37 Crores only. The impact a similar initiative at the national level could have had would have been dramatic. There are many detractors of online voting – saying that it could lead to booth capturing on a large scale via hacking. All I have to offer is that if we can trust the internet with our life's savings and with transactions worth millions, we may very well offer it a chance to record our mandate. Well, leaving aside this point, we shall see what happened of the two other lines of actions, that had been proposed by the Commission. Somehow, down the line, even the booth facilitation point was sacrificed on the altar of the ‘Doctrine of Necessity’ – there simply was no way to make a polling booth seem like a place to be and hang around – except for a few booths made into ‘Ideal Booths’. So finally, it was all about information and motivation. For that, as prescribed by the powers that be, we went for rallies of students, face painting, body painting, sand painting, road painting, wall painting, poster competition, poetry competition, meet and greet programs. It was tough, initially. Then we started sharing our reports with the media houses. The media houses were doing voter awareness and motivation programs of their own, and in a much better way than we could have ever thought of doing. We joined their program, lending an official endorsement to their unofficial program. Were we able to educate the average voter about to exercise the right to vote? I’m not sure. We made the flexi boards, the posters, the leaflets, the media insertions, and even hogged the interval display in the cinema halls. Still, on the day of the poll, we received a number of calls from various places, from well-educated persons, who insisted they should be allowed to vote since they held an Electoral Photo Identity Card EPIC – even if they did not have their name in the rolls! Did I fail? I am again not so sure. Many of these persons who were impervious to my teachings would almost surely be ignorant many other things – the name of the Vice President, the number of Fundamental Rights – it is a fact that the average person is hard to educate, especially when he is not overtly paying out of pocket for the education. So, in the end, it all degenerated to bell and whistles, as I had said earlier – rallies, posters, song and dance. In fact, under the searing gaze of the powers that be, there began a panicky race for holding the most humongous events, that could plaster the newspapers the next day – a thousand kid rally one day, a 25 km long human chain the next day. There is an express Commission directive prohibiting the school kids from being used by the District Administration in these events. However, they have left a loop hole – it does not forbid the school itself from doing these things, and, perhaps not surprisingly, the schools always ‘volunteer’. This is justified by saying that we are simply creating a buzz for the coming polls – in hindi – ‘chunaav ka maahaul bana rahe hain’. Well, if it was finally about creating the buzz, then we are going the wrong way. First of all, we removed and destroyed all the promotional displays of the parties and candidates – which were much more colourful and emotive than the sanitized version of buzz that we are constrained to create. Then we prohibited them from holding rallies, and took out our own. We restricted their carcades, and we took out our own car rallies. The idea that a set of non-political administrators, with a bunch of ‘volunteer’ students and some 1.2 Lakh rupees at their command could create a wave for voting for the NOTA option (we cannot endorse candidates, or even issues and agenda), in a way better than the hugely motivated candidates can, with their officially sanctioned budgets of Rs.70 Lakh per candidate, asking for a vote for their ideologies and manifestos, shows a level of naivete beyond description. In the end, the vote percentage in my District rose by 11% and in the Constituency by 10%, and I got a lot of congratulatory messages. Do I deserve that? Most probably no. There has been an almost uniform rise in voting percentage by around the similar numbers in all the constituencies in the area. This rise is evident in even those Districts where the SVEEP program was struggling to take off properly even as close as a week back, as was evident from the uncomfortable looks on the faces of their officials in the SVEEP video conferences! Most probably this rise is creditable to the unfortunate events that occurred around a year back, which led to greater polarization of the votes. Then again, the timings for the polling have been increased, leading to more time for the people to exercise their franchise. In order to judge whether SVEEP, or what was not lost of it on the way down in the translation, was effective, we needed to have some Districts as control groups, where no SVEEP programs would have been held. A statistically significant deviation in the change of percentage would have been evidence of efficacy. Well, for now, I consider the fact that the job I am in in such that both the brickbats (which are far more numerous) and bouquets, are mostly undeserved. So I gracefully accept the congratulations for now, for the tide shall surely turn, sooner or later.

Epilogue

Whatever I have written till now would sound like a one-sided rant against the system. It is partially true – the readers have the mainstream media to turn to for the ‘brighter side’ of the election process – the Discovery Channel is making a mega documentary on the LS Elections 2014 – including a pointed coverage of the summit battle at the Varanasi seat. This article was meant as a supplementary piece – to give the perspective from the side of the machinery that toils hard to ensure the elections are successful – the symbolic human sacrifice that must be buried in the Foundation of any magnificent edifice. Even bigger than our toil is the toil done by the security forces, that move around the length and breadth of states and nations, on short notice – their story would be even more fascinating, and must be told by someone among their ranks, someday.  And no, we are not making too much of our discomfort, because we know it is not too big a price for what we are undergoing. Through these 2-3 months of exercise, we might end up over throwing a government that has been ruling over 1.3 billion people; or, we might end up thwarting a challenge to the seat of power by a new contender. The students of history will appreciate that traditionally the change of power even in bands of nomads some 100 persons strong led to copious bloodshed. The sheer fact that a group 1.3 Billion strong would get a new government through an almost bloodless revolution makes all the discomfort and pain fade away. This is history in the making, and I am very thankful to the powers in this realm and beyond for making me such a close witness.

The Shrivelled Mammaries of the Welfare State?

There has been a long period of silence since I last wrote. So why is this silence being shattered now? The urge to write emanates from strong feelings; feelings that need to be taken out of the abstract and moulded into concrete ideas, which can be shared. There are many shades of such feelings – ranging from extreme happiness to extreme sadness. These feelings, however, leave very little to write about – except for, maybe, a status update on Facebook. However, somewhere in the middle lies the feeling of cognitive dissonance – which comes when one’s held beliefs and ideas clash with one’s real life experiences. This feeling gives rise to great literature – irony is in fact one of the strongest weapon in the armoury of a writer. Not to drag the point too far, for the past two quarters, I had been in the realm of the ideal – dealing, almost exclusively, with how things ought to be. Not anymore! 

Those who had seen Adolf Hitler in his last few days recalled that he had become cut off from the reality. He was busy directing armies that that long perished, ordering defence of redoubts that had been decimated, and planning movement of units that had never been raised!  No one had the heart to tell Herr Fuehrer the reality behind his grandiose dreams. Some of the closest advisors even humoured his fantasies, just to keep the peace. This may sound ridiculous. This may also be the reality about the State machinery in the nation!

Many of the intellectuals and commentators dealing with the State, particularly the Permanent Executive (often, derogatorily, referred to as the ‘bureaucracy’), have a common thing to say – it is bloated. I have some bad news for them. From what I have observed – and believe me, I have observed in details – it needs to bloat further – somewhere between 30-50% more, if things are to be set right.

The past few months have given me the opportunity to observe the working of almost all the departments of the government - mainly the Revenue Administration and the Rural Development Departments, but also various associated departments like Agriculture, Cooperatives, Social Welfare, Panchayati Raj, Planning and Statistics, Medical and Engineering Departments. There were two things in common. Understaffing at the lower levels, and under-budgeting to debilitating levels. With due apologies to Upamanyu Sir, the so called ‘Mammaries of the Welfare State’ have become totally shriveled!

The level of understaffing can be appreciated better by looking at some figures. A gram panchayat is supposed to have a Village Development Officer (VDO), who implements the various schemes of the Rural Development Department at the village level, and a Village Panchayat Officer (VPO), who is supposed to be the secretary of the Village Council, providing the services of a permanent executive to the elected Political executive of the panchayat. Somewhere in the older days, owing to the shortage in both the cadres, it was decided that either can look after the task of the other cadre. Thus, a Panchayat was now supposed to have either a VDO or a VPO, who was supposed look after both the works. At a stroke, the workload of this functionary was nearly doubled. However, he was supposed to work in the given Panchayat, and could dovetail his works together. However, the situation worsened even further. In the present scenario. The single Panchayat Secretary (who has the double work of VDO and VPO) is looking after 6-8 panchayats. Thus, the workload on this functionary is about 12-16 times what was designed initially! Those who are think that this functionary has some mindless dead end clerical job, are in for a shock. This guy has to execute all the schemes of the Rural Development and all the works desired to be done by the gram sabha. He is responsible for the holding of all the meetings of the Gram Sabha – the regular, as well as the special ones – for social audit, or for some special publicity event; he has to prepare the plan for works to be done in the village, get it approved in a meeting of the Gram Sabha, give administrative approval on those schemes, get those works executed, and verified, and paid for; he has to look after the end to end performance of mammoth schemes like the Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme; he has to inquire and redress all the development and public works related grievances in his village, and assist all senior functionaries who go to his village for any such inquiry. These are just the regular jobs that he has to do. In addition, this guy is roped in for verification of ration cards, enumeration of electoral rolls, assisting in the Pulse Polio vaccination, and a number of other programs that do not have their own dedicated personnel. Contrary to the image of a government functionary napping on the desk, this functionary has to work 7 days a week, often beyond office hours, and he still gets the stick for not completing the targets. I have myself been the unwilling conduit for a number of such ‘admonishments’ handed down by the higher ups to these functionaries. Recently, one of my Village Secretaries had a serious road accident, and was hospitalized for 2 months with multiple fractures. The other Secretaries were almost envious!  And it is not that this serious staff crunch is there only in this department. This malady is ubiquitous – Lekhpals (Village Records Official) are holding charge of two to three circles, Auxilliary-Nurse-cum-Midwives are supervising 3-4 subcentres, and Supply Inspectors, meant to look after 150-200 Fair Price Shops, are now having to supervise a whole Subdivision of a District. The ground layer of government is being spread a little too thin for comfort.

What are the drawbacks of cutting so deep into the working arm of the executive. The reader must have noticed the whole schedule of schemes and programs that the ground level workers have to execute. Most of these involve personal interaction, with the still functionally illiterate masses, who cannot use the internet to achieve the same effect quite easily. Recently, the whole ground level force was deployed to do publicity for a new fast track scheme for vocational training. The village secretaries had to go personally into each village and call meetings and explain the program to them! When they tried to distribute the few handbills we had received for publicity, there was a mad rush, as the village folk thought those handbills were forms for application! Often there is an unfair comparison between the efficiency of the government and the corporate sector. What one forgets is the fact that the clientele composition is totally different. Most corporates would have easily done their publicity through advertisements in newspapers and on the television. The government still has to do it the old way of the ‘town crier’ – as the majority of the cell phone subscribers are unable to read and understand the SMSs that are sent! (whatever the advertisers for IDEA Cellular may like you to believe) Hence, it can be seen that ground level work requires personal supervision, unlike the work of the higher ups  - who can do their work of supervision on telephone, and in weekly meetings and similar events. Hence, increasing the ground level workload, upto 16 times on a territory 8 times larger than what they were meant to cover, can be deleterious. We are seeing the effects now. Gram Sabha meetings are being held in a bogus way. The sincere secretaries wait for the quorum to assemble and get done with it, the smarter ones simply visit the houses of quorum strength people and get their minutes signed! Thus, the concept of ‘parliamentary’ control has been totally lost at the village level – and the Panchayats have become unsupervised. A lot Pradhans are being accused of favouring their votebanks – which is all the more easy at Panchayat level, as it is possible for the elected government to pinpoint its ‘friends and foes’ very clearly. What should keep the Panchayat in check is the control by Gram Sabha resolutions. With the atrophying of the Gram Sabha mechanism, the elected Panchayats have more space to indulge in nepotism, and in absence of redressal at Gram Sabha level, the grievances are frequently reaching the desks of Block Development Officers, Sub Divisional Officers and Collectors. Not all of these grievances are genuine. As it is easy for the Pradhans to identify friends and foes, so is it easy for the ‘opposition’ to find their friends and foes.  This had led to a very clear and stark division in all the villages, along the lines of political allegiance. Complaints and counter complaints keep on flying across. I have witnessed RTI harassment – two cases in my tenure of three weeks. What is RTI harassment? Nothing – just asking for reams and reams of information – ‘all the works being done in the Panchayat in all the years, including the names and details all the laborers who did the work’ type of RTI queries. This is harassment at a physical level. Just imagine collating all that data and getting it photocopied, and sending it across – there is a single person, a village secretary, who has to do all this – in addition his already bloated job sheet! The harassment becomes even greater, when the same information is asked for again, with minor changes in the particulars – to make the person repeat the efforts. Then again, often these “grievances” are disguised as allegations of corruption, since that is one word that is sure to get an ear these days. Guess who has to inquire into these grievances (or supervise his higher ups in their inquiry) – yes, the same ground level worker. To add to their plight, often, under stiff targets on the developmental  programs, they cannot physically verify the works, and sign, at their personal risk, whatever the Pradhan or his representatives give them. On that front, it is largely true for all the levels of the hierarchy. Recently, Courts and Commissions have been asking for statements signed by officers not lower than Collectors, and even Principal Secretaries in some cases. However, given the low staff strength at the lower levels, it is not possible for the higher authorities to get the statements filed by the ground level workers verified independently as a matter of routine. There is a common adage in government – “Lekhpal ka likha Rajypal bhi nahin badaltey” (Even the Governor does not change what has been written by the Village Record Official). This is not a happy situation, but this is the reality. Tonnes and tonnes of bogus data and implementation figures keep creeping to the highest levels. There is also immense scope for nepotism and misappropriation by the non-official persons who are helping, unofficially, in the program implementation. Then again, these workers have to be constantly on the move, from this Panchayat to that, in order to attend to their scattered wards, and at the meager level of rural connectivity that we have, it leads to about half of the productive time being wasted in commute. The result is in front of us to see – half baked implementation of programs, and a general sense of discontentment among the beneficiaries, resulting in physical conflicts, within the village, as well as between the village folks and the government functionaries.

The other dimension of the mendicancy of the state machinery at the lowest levels is the level of under-budgeting. While there is ample budget for the programs themselves – the material, the labour cost, the books etc. there is scarcely anything for the machinery that runs the programs. The average Village Secretary must be travelling 70-80 kilometres daily on an average, and that excludes the commute from his residence. That, on a bike would mean expenditure of at least a litre of fuel everyday., or around Rs.2000 worth of fuel everyday. Similarly, there is a lot of paperwork involved at their level. Each grievance requires an investigation report of two pages, followed by photocopies of the documents relied upon by the concerned to refute the charges. To avoid the slur of ‘being insensitive’, we often entertain all sort of random complaints – ‘massive wrongdoings going on in MNREGS’, & ‘a number of undeserving BPL cards being issued’ type. What should ordinarily be done in such cases is to ask the complainant to give specifics and, as far as possible, documentary evidence. That is, sadly, not being done, and it is left to our lower functionaries to deal with all the paperwork. Massive budgets are required for the paperwork generated (each worker must be getting Rs.100 worth of photocopying done daily), and none is provided as a matter of routine – leaving them to skim off the ‘administrative budget’ of various programs to get the work done. Where does the money come to run the show? You may have already guessed it – irregularities. Ask no question, hear no lies!

The nation has, in the recent times, seen some phenomenal upheavals in the political arena. How far that leads to the fulfillment of the promises which have been made is to be seen. I must humbly submit that despite past misgivings, I do see some hope around this development. It may go a long way in curbing one kind of irregularities that happen in the working of the State. That obviously brings us to the question – are their various ‘kinds’ of irregularities that happen in the workings of the State? Yes. There are various ways of classifying irregularities. Let’s take the simplest one first – ours vs theirs! While the latter is commonly known as corruption, the former is known by various names – management, smartness, adjustment etc. Similarly there are many other methods of classification. Our purpose shall be served by classifying according to motive. While there may be psychopaths in all walks of life, and many studies have been conducted, and will be conducted in the future to know what exactly makes them carry on their illegal acts. We are more concerned with why seemingly normal, god fearing people, who aren’t psychopaths, and who most probably have been raised on the homilies of honesty being the best policy, and are quite good persons in all aspects, do a whole range of irregularities in their public offices. Sadly, the answer lies not in any dishonest streak that we all share, but in two things – one - a financially exploitative political leadership, and two - these unbudgeted critical gaps.*** Recent political changes may very well rid us of the former, but to get rid of the latter requires efforts in another dimension. Readers would notice, that the major part of it – expenses for transportation, maintenance of office infrastructure, and stationery etc, are not so prohibitive as they are made out to be. Sadly, basic tools for public functionaries – such as transportation facilities, or communication facilities, are often seen as ‘perks’ by the public. The media spread perception is to be blamed. Two months back, they had run riot about officials getting ‘free petrol’ upto so and so limits. There have been instances of misuse of occupational facilities, and that is to be blamed, to some extent. However, in this great nation of ours, there is scarcely any occupational facility which has not been misused – either in public, or private organizations. Shying away from provision of these facilities, and the budget for their upkeep, only because they appear ‘perky’ is like shooting oneself in the foot. For though these look like peanuts as compared to the actual budget provisions, these expenses are too big to be paid out of the pockets of the functionaries, and once someone starts to steal to pay for his occupational expenses, he would not stop at that alone. Once a person crosses the line, he is, for all purposes, a delinquent – better to hang for ten crimes if you are to hang for one. It is much easier for us higher officials to ‘stay clean’ – it just requires a little bit tempering down of personal lifestyle. However, in the current understaffed and under-budgeted scenario, for a lower functionary to stay clean requires him to miss on targets on most of his jobs; and contrary to popular perception, performance appraisal in the government can get really nasty, especially for lower functionaries. So, there is a huge incentive to play a bit dirty but safe. Once they do dirty their hands out of compulsion, there is no compunction in dirtying them for private gains either.  Even the higher authorities generally do not have an incentive to stop the garden variety irregularities, as they themselves would not like to see their achievements fall back on the appraisal. Thus, despite the best of intentions at the top most level, these types of irregularities will surely continue under the given circumstances.

Then, what is the way out. More importantly, why am I mildly optimistic about the change in the politics, when the rot that I am worried about is largely apolitical. The reason is simply the balance of incentives. In the current scenario, achieving the targets, by means fair or foul, is more acceptable, even at the risk of exposing oneself to the charges of corruption at some later stage, as compared to not achieving the targets. The hope is that the popular uprising against corruption would raise the stakes much higher against the risk of getting caught using foul means – in other words, putting the extreme fear of God in those who commit irregularities. In that scenario, using ‘ill-gotten budget’ to achieve one’s targets would be more costly than not achieving the targets. Then the much abused machinery would start to put its foot down – they would not be willing to risk dismissal and incarceration for the achievement of a few development targets, and the higher officials will be fearful of asking them to ‘manage’ it anyhow. Then all the development schemes, and even a few essential services will come crashing down. The welfare state shall be largely paralysed, and then it shall be realized that there is no grease in the bearings of the State. This fact shall be made to be known, and redressed, if the party has to continue. Someone shall have to pay for the show to run. Those who imagine burgeoning deficits should relax – most of it shall have to come out of taxes, and more importantly, fees. Any burden imposed upon the user shall be lower than what he currently has to pay on the side to get the works done, since the functionaries, in absence of any pressure to take money for official work, shall have all the more reasons to desist from taking bribes for their personal use. Thus, the whole ‘underground’ taxation would be brought over ground, and would be comparatively lessened. Of course, there would still be sociopaths and genetically wired delinquents, who shall not stop – and there are punitive means to deal with them. In absence of the pressure to allow irregularity ‘for the greater good’, the higher authorities would be more free to crack down on these elements. This shall be the way governance and administration shall finally be cleansed. 

However, there is a catch in this scenario. To cleanse via this route would require all our programs and services to reach to a shutdown level. It is true that out of destruction comes the new creation. However, it is the measure of a sentient civilization to avert total destruction and to metamorphose into a changed system on the first inkling of a better way. My endeavor in writing this long, dull piece is simply to make the reader aware of what exactly is needed to give this nation clean and more responsive governance. If the realization dawns on a ‘pareto majority’ – the majority of those who make and break opinions in this highly charged opinion-osphere, and if they are honest about cleaning the system, and not just hyperventilating hypocritically, we might address this issue and get some changes done without reaching apocalypse first. That is the scenario I wish for, for the alternative is imminent otherwise.  

[*** - There is a third major 'source' that motivates otherwise honest functionaries to steal in order to line up a tribute. However, I am not sure if writing about that would be 'contemptuous' to the 'source'! Hence, more on that after more research.